RFU statement on Meghan Murphy event at Toronto Public Library

Radical Feminists Unite is a Toronto-based organization of diverse women who work toward the preservation and advancement of the rights of women and girls. We have organized a lecture at a Toronto Public Library branch by Canadian feminist journalist Meghan Murphy, taking place on October 29th. We are not a hate group, and we do not espouse hate speech, or advocate for the removal of rights from any marginalized group.

We have invited Meghan Murphy to speak because she is respected as an important feminist voice, not only in Canada, but around the world. She has built one of the largest and most read feminist websites in the English speaking world, and has exemplified bravery and steadfastness in her refusal to back down on behalf of women.

Neither we, nor Meghan, are looking to remove anyone’s right to safety, dignity, and freedom from discrimination. We believe that these are fundamental rights that should be guaranteed to all human beings. With regard to trans people, and specifically trans women, we believe that specialized services such as rape shelters, prison accommodations, gender neutral washrooms, and other social programs should be available to meet their specific needs as a marginalized community. To state that we are looking to take away these rights, and that we even question the existence and humanity of trans people, is an outright falsehood.

In 2017 Meghan Murphy testified before the senate regarding the impact bill C-16 would have on women and girls. She focused on how we define men and women, what it means to be male or female, and how masculinity and femininity have been the tools of our oppression. She talked about the dangers of enshrining something as ill-defined as gender identity in Canadian law. Meghan pointed out that the ability for males to be accepted as women on the basis of their internal sense of gender identity, rather than being classified according to sex, has widespread consequences for women. We believe these consequences cannot be ignored and should be discussed.

Bill C-16 added Gender Identity and Gender Expression to the Canadian Human Rights Act. On the surface, this appears to be an important and progressive step for the rights of trans people. But this amendment actually comes into conflict with other protected characteristics also named in the Canadian Human Rights Act, such as the right to single sex spaces and provisions, and freedom of religion (for women who, due to their religion, are prohibited from sharing intimate spaces or coming into physical contact with males); as well as complicating rights guaranteed under the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms, such as freedom of association, and freedom of thought, belief, opinion, and expression. A good example of how these rights compete with each other can be found in the case of JY vs Various Waxing Salons, which was heard before the BC Human Rights Tribunal in July, and is currently pending a decision.

Practically, we believe there is an important difference between males and females, and that being able to distinguish between the two in law is essential to the maintenance of women’s rights. This does not mean we deny the existence of trans people, who may experience gender and/or sex dysphoria and come to identify more closely with the gender roles associated with the opposite sex. We do believe, though, that a discussion needs to be had about how this affects women’s existing, hard won rights- specifically the right to single sex spaces such as prisons, changing rooms, rape shelters, and women’s sports. We also believe that the choice of Statistics Canada to record statistics by self-identified gender, rather than biological sex, will have a negative impact on the ability of advocates to track violence against women and trans people, as well as to know who commits particular crimes, and who the victims of those crimes are. As these stats are used by policy makers and private researchers, it is our contention that the accurate representation of sex in these stats is vital to the well-being of women and trans people.

This event, while now sold out, was open to the public, and will have a question period following Meghan Murphy’s presentation. We consciously priced the tickets at $5 each, so that the event would be as accessible as possible to all. It is our hope that this event will open a desperately needed dialogue among people who hold many different thoughts, opinions, and beliefs.

We are honoured to host Meghan Murphy here in Toronto. An understanding of biological sex is not hateful, and meeting to listen and discuss the impact of the collision of sex and gender in Canadian legislation does not amount to the promotion of discrimination, contempt, or hatred. We would like to see all marginalized people provided for, and think there are solutions to these issues of competing rights, but finding and creating those solutions requires an open and honest discussion of sex, gender, and the law. 

Feminism and anti-feminism in Toronto: A discussion

We were recently approached by a journalist with some questions about the men’s rights movement and the feminist movement in Toronto. Here are our responses.

  1. Have you seen opposition and hostility toward feminists grow during the last few years? Has it become more difficult to be a feminist or easier? In what ways?

In recent years, it has become harder and harder for feminists to speak, particularly if they’re radical feminists or even if they’re just perceived as such. We don’t think it’s gotten harder for other political groups to speak to the extent that it’s gotten harder for feminists. Although there are protests against right-wing and anti-feminist speakers, they usually do manage to speak despite protesters, and some of them have a solid support base and lucrative careers. However, radical feminist speakers tend to have their talks canceled before they even begin, and we often receive death and rape threats and are subject to harassment that is quite out of proportion to any objection people have over our politics.

To illustrate the difference in treatment between two political types in Toronto who are considered controversial, let’s look at the RadFem RiseUp conference in 2013 vs right wing academic Jordan Peterson.

In 2013, a group of 30 women met for a weekend in Toronto to discuss feminist activism. A protest against this meeting reached gigantic proportions. The first venue the feminists attempted to use for the meeting was inundated with hundreds of vicious emails within a 12-hour period which succeeded in getting the venue to cancel. A woman infiltrator paid the registration fee just to find the location of the second venue and helped protesters locate the feminists in order to harass them in person. Toronto MPP Cheri DiNovo was quoted as saying that she hoped new laws regarding gender identity would make such feminist gatherings illegal. All this just in response to a group of women getting together to talk!

Contrast this with the response to Jordan Peterson, a conservative professor at the University of Toronto who has been expressing controversial views lately on subjects such as the liberal values that have inundated universities and the use of preferred pronouns by university students. Although his opinions are of a political nature and are opposed by the same liberal activists who harassed RadFem RiseUp, Peterson still has his job, his book is a bestseller, and he is earning $50,000 per month through crowdfunding. There have been small protests against him but nothing that had any effect on his ability to work or speak.

In 2015, violent threats were made online toward sociology and women’s studies classes at the University of Toronto—the same university where Jordan Peterson is thriving.

A very recent example of a feminist woman being no-platformed before she could even speak was Yuly Chan from Vancouver, Canada. She was scheduled to speak at The Vancouver Crossroads Conference about The Chinatown Action Group who organizes to improve the lives of low-income residents of Vancouver’s Chinatown. Three individuals launched a bullying campaign and managed to get her talk canceled, making claims that Chan is a “bigot,” despite her campaigning for human rights.

Our group, Radical Feminists Unite, is aware of the ongoing harassment of radical feminists from both the left and the right of the political spectrum, which is why we have no public presence. We don’t hold public events, we don’t release our names or faces and we carefully screen new members before allowing them to join. We would fear for our safety and our jobs if our information were to be made public. In fact, we have received a death threat on our website already.

Some of our group members feel that we are “retreating from politics” because we no longer feel safe to discuss issues and feel we need to remain silent.

  1. What is it like to be a feminist in Toronto today? Has the recent van attack changed anything?

Our answer to question 1 describes what being a feminist in Toronto today is like, and we don’t feel the van attack changed anything. It’s been a hostile environment for years now and although the van attack was horrible, it unfortunately wasn’t surprising. It underscored what we already know about the cultural climate and the threat.

The van attack incident opened the door for public discussion about misogynist ideology (for example the idea of “incels.”) However we still don’t think the general public is willing to connect the dots between misogynist ideology and other incidents of violence against women (such as domestic abuse, rape, etc).

It took 25 years to recognize the shooting attack at Montreal’s École Polytechnique as a crime against women, even though Marc Lépine had written a lengthy manifesto explicitly stating his hatred, and had separated men from women in the classroom before declaring feminism had ruined his life and opening fire on the women, killing 14 of them. Incidents such as this and the Toronto van attack resist being recognized as domestic terrorist attacks against women, even in public discussion let alone under the law, despite meeting the legal definition. 

The Facebook post written by Alek Minassian “situates the attack as extremist and terrorist,” says J.M. Berger, an expert at the International Center for Counter-Terrorism in the Hague. 

Serial killer Robert Pickton boasted about murdering up to 50 women and was convicted of second degree murder of six women in 2007. He targeted a vulnerable population of prostituted, drug addicted, homeless and mostly indigenous women, with impunity for years due to police sexist and racist negligence.

Canada is experiencing a national epidemic of missing and murdered indigenous women. The estimated number of women affected ranges between 1,000 to nearly 4,000 depending on the estimate, and a national inquiry has been launched on the issue.

These are just a few high profile cases. As of May 1 of this year alone, 57 women have been killed in Canada, which is one woman every other day. On average in Canada, a woman is killed every 6 days by her intimate partner. Sexual assault is the only violent crime in Canada that is not declining. It is estimated that about one in three Canadian women will experience sexual assault in their adult life.

There is always a tendency to deny. None of these crimes are recognized under the law as hate crimes against women, nor does the general public discourse seem to want to see the cultural undercurrent of misogyny threaded through them all as a pervasive systemic issue.

Why might Toronto be an important location for misogyny to flourish? Members who have lived outside of Canada have noticed a marked complacency and passivity in Toronto, and in Canada more broadly, when it comes to debating contentious issues and the idea that not all beliefs and ideologies have the ‘right’ to go unchallenged. These members feel that Canada’s emphasis on diversity and everyone getting along is extended past its intended use for individuals and applied to ideas, suggesting that criticism is a form of unacceptable hostility. The relative safety of Toronto compared to most other large cities in the world may also give people a false sense of security about harmful ideas, such as woman-hating, only being ideas and not dangerous in the real world. Women who live here, however—particularly women in prostitution, Indigenous women, Muslim women who have been attacked on the street, and others who have faced threats or direct violence at the hands of men—know that Toronto’s ‘safety’ doesn’t apply equally to everyone. The van attack is only a reminder for those who have been paying attention, and hopefully, a wake-up call for others.

  1. In your opinion, is this manosphere thing something that is concrete or just a marginal internet phenomenon?

In today’s age of the internet and social media, it’s important to rethink what we understand as “organized” hate groups. The “manosphere” refers to individual men who may be geographically spread out but are loosely connected via various social media groups, internet forums and sites. They share common misogynistic views, unified by what Michael Kimmel coined aggrieved male entitlement, and find validation and support from each other online, reinforcing and expanding their toxic value system and emboldening each other.

Radical feminists and many leading experts in terrorist and hate organizations – eg, Mark Potok of the Southern Poverty Law Centre that monitors hate groups – have been warning about “manosphere” groups for some time. The manosphere cheers on misogynist rampages and holds up Marc Lépine, Anders Behring Breivik, Elliot Rodger, Chris Harper-Mercer, Alek Minassian and the like as heroes. Several such perpetrators have been direct participants in the manosphere where violent fantasies are entertained, and detailed instructions, strategizing, and advice are offered on how to dox, intimidate, terrorize, rape and kill women. As evidenced, some do indeed act on this. Notably, they have been promoting vehicle attacks as “easier” and “more effective” since before Charlottesville and the Toronto “incel” van attack, with celebratory comments after these incidents. “Incels” have also been advocating for mass acid attacks, with discussions on how to effectively implement such an attack, which kind of acid is best, and recently created an “acid app” to generate images of how any woman would look after an acid attack.

Also, they do indeed find each other locally to gather and organize offline. While Roosh V (“Return of Kings” Pick-Up-Artist who advocated that rape should be legal, among other misogynist rhetoric) was overwhelmingly not welcomed in Canada; and the Honey Badger Brigade (Gamergate group of MRA sympathizers) were kicked out of the Canadian Comic Expo, there are nevertheless some men’s rights organizations that have concrete homes in Canada, including here in Toronto and the surrounding area.

One of our members first observed MRA flyers posted around downtown Toronto approximately 10 years ago. They were filled with misogynist rhetoric against feminists, with distorted statistics and “facts” to paint men as oppressed by women. The flyers were a recruitment call, with contact information, to other disgruntled men to unite, spread the word, and organize against feminists.

In 2013, Men’s Rights Edmonton ran a poster campaign, Don’t Be That Girl, with the message that women lie about sexual assault, in direct backlash to a sexual assault awareness campaign, Don’t Be That Guy.

Canadian Association for Equality (CAFE) has an office in Toronto posted right on its website and holds events in various Canadian cities. Please see Appendix below for information on CAFE.

A man named James Sears, who also lists his address on his website, publishes hate propaganda against women and minorities, which he distributes to his ward, and has been charged with hate crimes.

Men who openly demonstrate misogyny feel comfortable posting their addresses online; this goes to show how safe and secure men feel about hating women.

There are “Pick-Up Artists” (PUAs) operating in Toronto. Some of their activities are harassing women and secretly filming them. A Google search for “pick up artist training toronto” returns several results: PUA Bootcamp Toronto, Janlifestyle Dating Bootcamp, Toronto PUA, etc.

A couple of group members have been hit on by PUAs. One group member was coming out of the Eaton Centre (a downtown mall) when an “odd man” approached and asked for a date. His approach didn’t fit the usual trajectory of these types of interactions. He bowed, said he would like to request a date, and when she said she was just rushing to meet a friend, he handed her his “dating card” which proclaimed him as Dmitri the Lover. The website on his card turned out to be a website for women to apply to date him. She thought he was just an oddball until a friend called her about an uncomfortable experience she’d had when a bunch of local so-called “pickup artists” descended en masse on the Eaton Centre using almost exactly the same lines on women. She received the same pickup line from several guys in a row and it seemed orchestrated, as indeed it was, and creepy. Some more research revealed that these guys are not simply harmless, pathetic men with no social skills. Some of them are very dangerous, including Dmitri, who also goes by the name James Sears. He has multiple sexual assault convictions, a charge of weapons stockpiling and enough bad press to paper over the entire CN Tower. Judging by the name used by the person who left death threats on our website, we think that it was this same man, Dmitri the Lover, or James Sears, who told us we should die by beheading. 

Comment left on this website.

Another group member was hit on while she was a university student on her way from one class to another, passing the Eaton Centre. The man was significantly older than her, and though he was pushy and uncomfortable, she was too young to be anything but polite, so she attempted to brush him off by saying she was going to class and had to hurry. He gave her his business card, and on the back it said he was a “graduate of the sexual guru program”. When she got home she looked it up and it was a PUA class run by James Sears. The website was alarmingly misogynistic and anti-feminist. Oddly a second time, at the Eaton Centre some months later the same man hit on her again (clearly not remembering he had talked to her before), and told her that her ass looked great in her skirt.

  1. Some people think a person like Jordan Peterson validates anti-feminist ideology that’s common to all of these “movements.” How do you feel about this?

Although the manosphere reveres Jordan Peterson, among many others, and we do recognize that his ideology is anti-feminist, we don’t think that he is the string holding together the men’s rights movement. He is interesting to us in the sense that he is proof that controversial men are doing far better than controversial women, but we don’t see him as a major threat to our safety. He is more of an old-fashioned conservative and, although this is damaging, it’s not quite as scary as the men who harass women and assault us in public, or who send death threats and carry out violence.



What’s wrong with CAFE?

This organisation appears at first glance to be about equality between the sexes, but when you dig deeper you see that they are actually an anti-feminist group who are supportive of more explicitly misogynist men.

Good overviews of CAFE can be found here and here.

CAFE has sprung up in several campuses across central Canada. They have groups on university campuses in Guelph, Montreal, Ottawa and Peterborough as well as two Toronto groups and off campus groups in Ottawa and Vancouver. Ryerson University banned CAFE in 2013 from their campus after student council ruled it to be a hate group.

CAFE granted registered charitable status in March 2014 under false pretenses

  • falsely obtained via application that suggested support of groups/orgs (LEAF, EGALE, Status of Women Canada) that don’t in fact support them or have any ties or affiliations with them at all
  • also falsely claimed in application that they are working with university scholars from women’s studies depts
  • whitewashed its mandate on application which it described as “educat[ing] the public about equality issues in order to foster equality for all Canadians,” with the status of men and boys being “one key area of focus.”

CAFE misrepresent and deceive regularly

  • Claims org working with support of Toronto city councillors and MPPs but would not provide names or any proof—see NOW phone interview May 2014
  • Misrepresentations to groups and venues when hosting or participating in events (eg, “Equality Day” concert in support of men’s child custody rights at Toronto Islands cancelled when their ties to MRAs became known)
  • Banned from marching in Pride 2015 but defied ban and snuck in anyways to march

Links between CAFE and other MRAs

  • Ties with extremist and misogynist org A Voice for Men—numerous links and associations despite denials by CAFE when asked by media (eg, press release by CAFE director Adam McPhee lauding AVFM conferences, linkages between the two websites, etc) .  
  • Stages numerous controversial speaking events (eg U of T with Warren Farrell, leading MRA spokesman, and Janice Fiamengo) which spark anti-hate protests. See also VICE coverage of April 2013 lecture “From Misogyny to Misandry to Intersexual Dialogue,” in which the speakers were to discuss a supposed hatred for men inherent in our culture.
  • Screens MRA documentary The Red Pill

WLU Centre for Women and Trans People forgets about the Montreal Massacre – the latest trend of ignoring and silencing women’s issues

December 6th, 2017 is the 28th anniversary of the École Polytechnique massacre, otherwise known as the Montreal Massacre. 28 years ago, Marc Lépine opened fire on female engineering students because he was angry he did not get accepted into the school. He cited feminism as the root cause of that, shouting “I hate feminists!” before shooting at the women. Fourteen women were killed and are remembered today by many across the country. Not only do we remember the massacre and the fourteen women whose lives ended far too early, but we also remember it as the National Day of Remembrance and Action on Violence Against Women, which was established by the Canadian Parliament in 1991.

Continue reading

‘TERF’ is a Gift to the Misogynistic ‘Left’

Note: This piece assumes that readers have a basic familiarity with what TERF (Trans-Exclusionary Radical Feminist) means to transactivists, and that it is applied to women whose views are not in alignment with any facet of transactivism whether or not they are actually radical feminists.  Readers who are not familiar with this term may want to read the links provided at the end of this piece first, as time will not be spent on the term’s definition or lack of legitimacy.

The misogynistic left and progressives have always had a problem with women.  From socialist revolutions to anti-racist and indigenous rights movements to gay liberation, misogynistic leftists and progressives (abbreviated here to “misogynistic ‘left’” for simplicity’s sake)* have expected women to struggle in the service of ‘their’ men and to be silent about women’s oppression or to put women’s concerns on hold until men have achieved their goals.  In 1964, American Black Power activist Stokely Carmichael infamously said, “The position of women in [the organization] is prone.”  Whether he meant it as a joke or not–so often the excuse we still hear to this day–the statement was emblematic of the environment female activists endured throughout the left.  The misogyny of the New Left, an unbroken legacy of patriarchy’s thousands of years of existence, has not been resolved half a century later.

Radical feminists and other leftist feminists are quite familiar with misogyny from all points on the political spectrum.  However, this blanket condemnation of a subset of women who recognize the relevance of biological sex and gendered socialization–a minority of activists in neoliberal centres of capitalism, perhaps, but the vast majority of women worldwide–is uniquely weaponized by the misogynistic ‘left.’  In the past, it was more difficult for liberals leftists to find broad support for their overt misogyny because they were not as easily able to hide behind virtue-signalling in order to deflect criticism onto “problematic” women and turn focus onto ejecting women from their own movement.  The creation of the concept of ‘TERF’ has been a gift to the misogynistic ‘left,’ from the increasingly accepted and constantly escalating threats of violence to concrete acts of violence against women labelled ‘TERF.’

A brief examination of the functions of ‘TERF’ is important for understanding how its use has come to be an acceptable expression of misogyny.  Radical feminists and other theorists critical of the ‘TERF’ terminology have varying opinions about whether or not ‘TERF’ can be considered a slur or hate speech.  (Readers can consider the links in this post or do additional research and come to their own conclusions.)  However, these facts about ‘TERF’ are clear:

Regardless of the intent behind the creation of the ‘TERF’ label nearly a decade ago, it is clear that in 2017, ‘TERF’ is imposed upon women in order to prevent critical thought, silence, slander, dehumanize, threaten, instill fear, and in some cases, ruin lives.  Because these are the virtually inevitable and irreversible consequences of accusing someone of being a ‘TERF,’ any use of ‘TERF’ against an individual is a statement of acceptance of these consequences.

What is the solution, then, to this excuse of misogyny on “feminist” grounds?  Although misogyny will exist until patriarchy is eradicated, it can and must be opposed.

The primary responsibility belongs to men on the left.  Men, if you truly want to be allies to women, you will condemn misogyny, even against women you disagree with.  You must refuse to exploit the brand of ‘TERF’ or ‘SWERF’ in order to silence women, and recognize that terrifying women out of speaking or asking questions is not winning a debate.  You must not accept divide-and-conquer tactics being used to exploit rifts within feminism purely to undermine female solidarity and shared goals.  You must respect women’s right to our own spaces where your participation may not be welcome, and our right to define and shape our own movement without your uninvited input.  Most importantly, you must challenge the misogyny of other men and never allow it to be considered acceptable activism in your movements.

Women must recognize misogynistic tactics regardless of who they come from.  We must refuse the use of ‘TERF,’ ‘SWERF,’ and other anti-feminist labels.  We must not sacrifice other women on the altar of leftist misogyny–least of all the trafficked, impoverished, abused, and enslaved women and girls here and around the world for whom biology is all too consequential.  We must not fall for externally-created, artificial divisions between women and instead must work to end racism and uplift marginalized women within feminism.  We are not obligated to brand ourselves with a label that does not represent us, or that classifies us as subhumans deserving of violence.  We are not obligated to unquestioningly follow ideologies that deny material reality.  We are not obligated to shut up and do as we’re told.

Women who would be considered ‘TERFs’ have always been the left, and the left could not exist without us.  There is no liberation without the full liberation of women and the end of patriarchy.  It’s time for the rest of the left to realize that.


Further Reading on arguments for TERF as a slur or hate speech:
Deborah Cameron – What makes a word a slur?
Sarah Ditum – How ‘TERF’ works
Sarah Ditum – What is a Terf? How an internet buzzword became a mainstream slur
Terry MacDonald – Are you now or have you ever been a TERF?
TERF is a Slur: Documenting the abuse, harassment and misogyny of transgender identity politics
Meghan Murphy – ‘TERF’ isn’t just a slur, it’s hate speech
Mumsnet Discussion on ‘TERF’ isn’t just a slur, it’s hate speech
Sister Outrider – ‘Punch a TERF’ Rhetoric Encourages Violence Against Women


*The misogynistic ‘left’ is, unfortunately, not just men.  See Miranda Yardley’s videos for the perspective of a gender-critical transwoman who was a scheduled speaker and eye-witness to the attack at Speakers’ Corner.  Particularly notable is a young woman who says she’s “glad” that a transactivist hit a woman, and who is later seen flinching away from the aggressive action of the male attacker on ‘her side’ of the conflict.  Misogynistic men benefit from/instigate/encourage divisions between women, utilize women against each other, and discard them when they are no longer of use.  Women who side with misogyny eventually tend to find out that they are not safe from it.  However, since the root of this problem is patriarchy and the victims are largely women, the male misogynistic ‘left’ remain the focus of criticism.

Radical Feminists Unite Mini Conference 2017

In late July, local Radical Feminist group RFU held a mini-conference in downtown Toronto to examine various topics related to women’s rights and the feminist movement. Several talks were presented, including one on the concept of gender and one on pornography and its impact on women. Guest speaker Bridget Perrier, an exited survivor of the sex industry, told her personal story of childhood trauma, years in prostitution in Canada and the US, and her eventual exit and founding of SexTrade 101, a sex trade survivors and abolitionist organization in Toronto.

Women came from within Toronto and from out of town to take part in the conference.

The first presentation, on the concept of gender, discussed the difference between sex and gender, critically examined the tenets of queer theory, and made a case for a more radical feminist analysis. One takeaway point is that, contrary to popular belief, queer theory relies on upholding more rigid gender systems in order for its adherents to be able to ‘transgress’ these systems—in effect, queer activism is mainly performative and does little to reject or transform the patriarchal establishment or to improve women’s lives.

The presentation on pornography gave an overview of the increased depictions of violence against women in porn and how normalized these images have become, and their impact on women (and men). Questions about pornography as it relates to public health and women’s sexuality were addressed, by the speaker and the audience, in a dynamic discussion. Pornography’s sexualization of objectively cruel acts, like choking and abusing racist power dynamics, was criticized. One particularly elucidating slide displayed quotations from men in the porn industry that showcased their hatred of women. One example:

“I’d like to really show what I believe the men want to see: violence against women. I firmly believe that we [pornographers] serve a purpose by showing that. The most violent we can get is the cum shot in the face. Men get off behind that, because they get even with the women they can’t have. We try to inundate the world with orgasms in the face.” –  Bill Margold, porn industry veteran, quoted in Robert J. Stoller and I. S. Levine, Coming Attractions: The Making of an X-rated video; 1993.

Panel discussions on the presentation topics were thoughtful and lively. There was debate over how to deal with the public health crisis that excessive unregulated pornography has created—some felt a concerted educational campaign and content warnings before all porn videos would have a large impact, while others thought this approach would be meaningless unless something more fundamental changed within men who view porn. Most women agreed that in our current patriarchal establishment, there cannot be such a thing as ‘ethical’ porn, though some women extended this further, to include all heterosexual sex as well.

Bridget Perrier’s highly anticipated talk was revealing and emotional. Her raw recounting painted a disturbing picture of men (especially men of money and power) in Canada. Abused by parental figures, men in law enforcement, men in the criminal justice system and an array of pimps, Bridget was trafficked throughout Canada and occasionally south of the border for seven years before successfully exiting the industry. Her story, like many others’, begins with a difficult childhood peppered by acts of abuse from adult caregivers. Today Bridget works with SexTrade 101, and she discussed some of their activism with regards to enforcement of Canada’s prostitution legislation (i.e., arresting and charging johns) and supporting women in prostitution who desire to exit the industry. Learn more about SexTrade 101 here.

Overall, the first RFU mini-conference was a wild success, and there are already two presenters signed up for the next iteration—date TBA. If you are a Toronto-based feminist interested in joining RFU, please get in touch.

The Women’s March on Washington—Toronto

In response to the inauguration of Donald Trump as the 45th President of the United States, a Women’s March on Washington was held in the U.S. capital and sister marches were held in many cities across the world. The purpose of these marches was to protest the type of right-wing political sentiment that has increased across our continent as a result of Trump’s election, which has caused an increase in racist, misogynist and anti-immigrant attitudes, behaviors, and hate crimes in the United States as well as in Canada.

The mission of the Women’s March on Washington, from their web page, is the following:

“The rhetoric of the past election cycle has insulted, demonized, and threatened many of us – immigrants of all statuses, Muslims and those of diverse religious faiths, people who identify as LGBTQIA, Native people, Black and Brown people, people with disabilities, survivors of sexual assault – and our communities are hurting and scared. We are confronted with the question of how to move forward in the face of national and international concern and fear.

In the spirit of democracy and honoring the champions of human rights, dignity, and justice who have come before us, we join in diversity to show our presence in numbers too great to ignore. The Women’s March on Washington will send a bold message to our new government on their first day in office, and to the world that women’s rights are human rights. We stand together, recognizing that defending the most marginalized among us is defending all of us.

We support the advocacy and resistance movements that reflect our multiple and intersecting identities. We call on all defenders of human rights to join us. This march is the first step towards unifying our communities, grounded in new relationships, to create change from the grassroots level up. We will not rest until women have parity and equity at all levels of leadership in society. We work peacefully while recognizing there is no true peace without justice and equity for all.”

In Toronto, a women’s march also took place, and was attended by members of Radical Feminists Unite. We agree with many aspects of the march’s vision, such as the need to end racism, violence against women, and homophobia, and the need to protect worker’s rights. As radical feminists, we are against capitalist patriarchy and want justice for all people currently oppressed by systems of power.

The Women’s March on Washington—Toronto. Photo by Jessica Wilkes

We have some criticisms to make, however, of the neoliberal nature of the march which seeks to be so “inclusive” of various identities that it fails to name women as a distinct class of people and refuses to name exactly where our oppression is coming from. The paragraph from the march’s Guiding Vision, available in their PDF statement, demonstrates this problem:

“We believe in Gender Justice. We must have the power to control our bodies and be free from gender norms, expectations and stereotypes. We must free ourselves and our society from the institution of awarding power, agency and resources disproportionately to masculinity to the exclusion of others.”

This statement about “gender justice” confuses what gender is and hides the reality of sex-based oppression in order to align itself with transgender politics. Women are oppressed because of our sex— that is, our female biology. The reason we are targeted for such hate crimes as rape, incest, sexual assault, forced marriage, forced pregnancy, and sexual slavery is because we are members of the class of people who can become pregnant and the system of patriarchy gives men power over us and the use of our female bodies. Women are not oppressed on the basis of our identities as women. Male abusers do not check to find out what a woman’s identity is before abusing her—if they did, they wouldn’t abuse any of us, because all of us identify as human beings deserving of rights and none of us identify in such a way as to invite male violence against us. Male abusers target women because they can identify that we are female and our patriarchal society gives them the power to harm females.

The paragraph above claims that power is given to “masculinity,” but this is not true—power is given to males. Women who display masculinity are not given any power; in fact, they are ostracized and they are targets for sexism due to the fact that they deviate from the social norms placed on women. It is males, as a class, who have power over females, as a class, and masculinity is a part of the social manifestation of that power.

It is terrible that a Women’s March would cater to a set of politics that erases the existence of the class of people who experience sex-based oppression, women. The politics and activism being put forward by the transgender community is in direct opposition to women’s rights, since it imagines women to be in a position of privilege over men who feel they have a gender identity, and seeks to eliminate sex-segregated spaces for women in order to include such men in women’s spaces. A Women’s March should recognize what women are (human females), should name sex-based oppression and should name the perpetrators and beneficiaries of patriarchy: men.

The March on Washington also claims to support ‘the sex workers’ rights movement.’ The ‘sex workers rights’ movement is a movement of people who support the sexual exploitation of women and girls, rebranding it as a woman’s choice. The term ‘sex worker’ can include anyone in the sex trade, including the perpetrators of crimes against women, such as pimps, procurers and profiteers, who obviously do not have the best interest of women in mind. The rebranding of prostitution as ‘sex work’ is a deliberate attempt to hide the violence inherent in prostitution and silence the voices of prostitution survivors. A march that was truly for women would take a position against the crime of prostitution, elevate the voices of the survivors who speak out, and demand that male abusers of women (pimps and johns) be held accountable for their violence.

Here in Toronto, survivors Natasha Falle and Bridget Perrier of the group SexTrade101 issued a statement to the local women’s march, after they attempted to use their photos on their page:

“As a prostitution survivor coalition (SexTrade101), we do not agree with your use of terminology (sex-work-er) when referring to the sexual exploitation and abuse of women in the sex trade. Your decision to legitimize this form of violence against women is both appalling and offensive to our survivor sisters (and bros). We do not wish to be affiliated with your March, as it excludes a countless number of voices who tell the truth about prostitution violence, and using terminology as such, discredits our traumatic experiences with pimps; escort owners/mgt, strip club owners/mgt, massage parlour owners/mgt, street level pimps, drug dealer pimps, etc, and buyers of sex.”

Natasha Falle & Bridget Perrier
Survivors of Prostitution


We believe in supporting the most marginalized women, not the most privileged. The majority of women in the sex trade are there due to lack of other options and wish to get out. It is those women who should be prioritized, not the vocal minority of women who claim empowerment through ‘sex work.’

Despite our differences with the stated mission of the march and some of their neoliberal politics, we found it necessary to attend the march, to show our solidarity with progressive values, to oppose the inauguration of Donald Trump and to bring with us a radical feminist message. We were pleased to see lots of signs that clearly focused on women’s rights and that contained images of female biology. Clearly, there is a large mass of women who still know who feminism is for. Although several of us noted that we felt it was dangerous to put explicitly radical feminist slogans on our signs, for fear of harassment, we did name male violence against women and misogyny on our signs. We felt that it was necessary to be clearly feminist in our messaging.

Two days after the march, we have seen the photos pouring in on social media and we’ve witnessed how large and widespread the women’s march has been. We’ve also seen the backlash coming from trans activists who complain the march focused too much on female biology. It is our hope that this event, and the reason behind it (Trump taking away women’s rights and a rise in misogyny in the country in general) will galvanize more women into feminist organizing. Our rights are always under attack, and over the next few years there will be lots of work to do.

Ontario Basic Income Pilot: Statement of Support

The conversation around basic income has been gaining traction in Ontario, with the provincial government releasing a pilot program survey that will be open until January 31st.  The gist of a basic income program is to grant everyone a base ‘livable’ amount of money per month on a sliding scale that decreases the amount a person gets depending on how much they make from work or other sources.  Unlike some other forms of income assistance, basic income is a safety net that isn’t dependent upon working, looking for work, having to stop working in order to qualify, or proving disability.  (A full report on the project from the Ministry of Community and Social Services is available here.)  We at RFU support the concept of basic income because, if implemented properly, it would make a considerable material difference to countless women.

The Feminization of Poverty: Women have higher rates of poverty than men virtually everywhere.  Women as a class also have more burden of responsibility for others in terms of money, time, and energy.  Poverty is, of course, also correlated to race and immigrant status: women of colour, First Nations women, and immigrant women make up a high percentage of low-paying, difficult, and insecure jobs like Personal Support Workers.  Women and girls living in poverty are at high risk of entering prostitution in order to survive.

Abuse and toxic relationships: Financial dependence is the primary factor that forces women to stay in abusive or otherwise toxic relationships.  In addition to women’s higher rates of poverty in general, abusers usually isolate women from other sources of support in order to cultivate their dependence and destroy their sense of functionality.  Making rent alone can be extremely difficult, especially in a place like Toronto, so many women feel forced to move in with partners or parents even though the power imbalance in the arrangement can be detrimental to their well-being.

Mental and physical health: People with invisible or high-functioning health problems–mental and physical–can have a difficult time getting income assistance for their disabilities and may refuse assistance due to stigma against ‘welfare.’  Women suffer from high levels of health problems including anxiety, depression, PTSD, PCOS, and untreated pain.  Those who can work are still at the mercy of employers who are not particularly sympathetic to any need for reduced hours, flex time, or other accommodations.

Criminal records: The majority of women who have been through the prison-industrial complex are victims of male violence, child abuse, prostitution, trauma, and other forms of violence.  Many are in prison for fighting back against their abusers, and by the end of the process, will have been victimized at least three times over: by their abuser, by a legal system that fails to do justice to female victims of male-pattern violence, and by societal prejudice against criminalized people regardless of the circumstances of their case.

It’s no exaggeration to say that basic income could mean the difference between life and death for millions of women and girls in the province.  Although basic income isn’t inherently radical, it does have the potential to give workers some leverage against exploitation under capitalism by giving them leeway to reject jobs with poor working conditions, low pay, and excessive hours.

Basic income is a good idea simply because no one should live in poverty.  No one should become homeless and starve to death because they don’t make good fodder for capitalist exploitation.  No one who can work should have to choose between exploitation and poverty.  We don’t exist to be exploited for fun or profit.

RFU has sent an abridged version of this post as a joint statement in support of the Basic Income Pilot to the Ontario Ministry of Community and Social Services.  We hope that eligible readers will take the survey, and we welcome women to comment with what basic income would mean for them and what material effects it would have on their lives.

Solidarity with #LAWC

Radical Feminists Unite supports the London Abused Women’s Center and its decision to pull out of Take Back the Night after it announced there would be pole dancing featured at the demonstration. As feminists, we are against the sexual objectification of women.

Last Wave Feminist


Ottawa, Ontario

*TO: Megan Walker, ED London Abused Women’s Centre, The Board of Directors London Abused Women’s Centre, Staff and Clients London Abused Women Centre

Women in Canada and around the world look to the London Abused Women’s Centre as a leader in the provision of services to women who have experienced male violence, whether in intimate relationships, from strangers or through the sex trade. We admire the willingness of the Centre to take public, feminist positions regarding the oppression and exploitation of women, and particularly its recent decision to withdraw its support for the London “Take Back the Night” event because of a proposed pole dancing demonstration that was to take place as part of a larger protest highlighting public violence against women perpetrated by men.

Like LAWC, we understand that pole dancing emanates from the highly objectified practice of stripping and “exotic dancing” performed for the benefit of men to the disadvantage…

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RFU statement on the National Inquiry into Missing and Murdered Indigenous Women and Girls

We would like to voice our support for the Federal government’s launching of the National Inquiry into Missing and Murdered Indigenous Women and Girls. We recognize that Canada was created by force on unceded First Nations land, and Indigenous people did not consent to be subjected to colonialist culture or law. It is our belief that this legacy of colonialism in Canada has resulted in a disproportionate level of violence impacting Aboriginal communities. The intersection of, sex, class, and race leave Aboriginal women and girls at an even greater disadvantage in Canadian society. The purpose of the inquiry is to examine factors underlying the systemic violence against Aboriginal women and girls, particularly the role of the government, coroners’ offices, and existing provincial and federal laws. However, we are disappointed that the Terms of Reference exclude the examination of police conduct.

There are those who have expressed doubts about the necessity of the Inquiry, citing that the root causes of poverty, addiction, and racism are well-known. However, our hope is that in formally exploring these factors, the Inquiry will force these uncomfortable truths out into the open and provide the information necessary to carve a tangible way forward that results in actual material action. Furthermore, Canada needs to face the reality that sex trafficking exists in this country and acknowledge the connection between the prostitution industry and what is happening to Aboriginal women.

Dawn Lavell-Harvard, President of the Native Women’s Association of Canada said in a press release:

“Girls have described that they were sex trafficked from group homes and motels that are part of the child welfare system. We have a disproportionate number of Indigenous people who are in the criminal justice system. These issues are all interrelated and our expectation is that one reason we are having the Inquiry to address how these issues relate to violence against Indigenous women and girls.”

The Federal government has named a 5-member commission led by Marion Buller Bennett. Marion Bennett is B.C.’s first female First Nations judge.  She brought to light that the mainstream court system has not worked for Aboriginals in the past and articulated the specific gaps in our knowledge that an inquiry serves to address:

“The families who feel the death of their loved ones were called a suicide or an accident or an overdose as opposed to a murder, those patterns are the kinds of things the commissioners will have to look into.”

Michele Audette is a leading women’s First Nations advocate and former president of the Native Women’s Association of Canada.  When asked why an Inquiry was necessary, she pointed out that the numbers of missing and murdered Aboriginal women have been increasing, and that the relationship between Aboriginal women and the police needs to be addressed.  When asked what’s behind the disproportionate numbers of missing women, she said:

“Racism, discrimination.  We are a target.  Because we are Aboriginal women, we are a target.”

Qajaq Robinson is a Nunavut-born Ottawa-based lawyer specializing in Aboriginal issues and land and treaty claims. She represented Ian Campeau in filing a complaint with the Ontario Human Rights Tribunal about the Redskins Football Club name in Ottawa. When asked how she felt about the harassment she and her client received, she responded:

“It was worth it, hearing accounts from residential school survivors who had that term used on them and their accounts of feeling so weak and vulnerable and unable to fight against that.”

Marilyn Pointras is a constitutional and Aboriginal law expert at the University of Saskatchewan.  She has expressed her disappointment with the lack of representation of Aboriginal people in legal decisions in Canada:

“The country is losing out on the opportunity to gain from Indigenous perspectives on everything from sentencing to the factors that lead to crime. When you start to incorporate Indigenous thinking into the justice model, you start talking a lot more about preventative measures and that’s where we should be taking things.”

Brian Eyolfson is a First Nations and human rights lawyer and former vice-chair of the Ontario Human Rights Tribunal.  Mr. Eyolfson has worked for Aboriginal Legal Services of Toronto and represented that group at the Ipperwash inquiry, which sought justice for the murder of Aboriginal activist Dudley George.

We are pleased to see Aboriginal women are well-represented on the Commission, and that federal resources are being attended to this very pressing issue, which Bellegarde, National Chief of the Assembly of First Nations has called a “national tragedy, but an international shame.”

For more information about the Inquiry, please visit https://nwac.ca/mmiwg.  For more information about prostitution from a local abolitionist perspective, please visit http://www.sextrade101.com, the Toronto Sex Trade Survivors and Abolitionists Organization.